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  • Moving on the low carbon road

    A meeting of United Nations member states in Bangkok on Monday to discuss climate change is the first in a series this year at which the action plan adopted at the UN Climate Change Conference in Bali, Indonesia, in December 2007, will be translated into concrete steps on the road to a new global climate change agreement. We, the president of Indonesia and the prime ministers of Poland and Denmark, have decided to join forces in a coordination group at the highest political level. Our goal is to facilitate an ambitious climate change agreement in Copenhagen in 2009.

  • Capital in for a green makeover

    The national Capital is in for a makeover. A green cover which will not only beautify the city of concrete but will also allow Delhiites to breathe easy is on the anvil. The government has announced

  • Newsletter

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  • Ecologists to protest lacunae

    Ecologists to protest lacunae

    Environmentalists and voluntary organisations from all over the country plan to get together in the near future to protest against lacunae in the National Environment Tribunal Bill, which will be

  • India

    &#149; Kochi has been selected as one of the centres for a major study, undertaken by the US-based Oakridge National Laboratory, to measure the phenomenon of global warming. &#149; An

  • US tastes cream paste

    It is still unclear who the new US president is. Even if he is favourably inclined towards the protocol there is every chance of it getting rejected by the Senate

  • CSE assesses air quality and mobility initiatives in Indian cities

    CSE assesses air quality and mobility initiatives in Indian cities

    <p>This is the press release on release of the book &quot;Good News Bad News: Clearing the air in Indian cities&quot; published by Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). This bird&rsquo;s eye assessment of the cities of India &amp; how they fare on parameters such as air quality, public transport, walkability, parking policies and fiscal initiatives was released in New Delhi by Harish Salve, senior advocate of Supreme Court of India and the Amicus Curiae on environmental cases.</p>

  • Courting green

    Courting green

    When the executive fails, people seek redressal from courts. In some cases, the courts have merely put the seal of approval on the actions of citizens' pressure groups. In others, the remedies have only addressed the problems in part. The earth still bl

  • Making profits for the West

    Making profits for the West

    While western investors are lining their pockets with Papua New Guinea's rich natural resources, all the government is getting in return is a degraded environment.

  • Budget 2013-2014: speech of P. Chidambaram, Minister of Finance

    <p><span style="font-size:12px;">Budget 2013-2014: speech of P. Chidambaram, Minister of Finance.</span></p> <p><span style="font-size:12px;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/3INZf8nHwdY"

  • Outrage

    Outrage

    Ken Saro Wiwa died because he had dared to assert the Ogonis'claims to their In Nigeria, the giant wheels of progress have been leaving a veritable wasteland behi them in the course of their ingress into the home turf of the Ogonis denuding fores

  • Forests march

    Forests march

    A walkathon through 5 states traverses through a rich crop of traditional conservation methods and a thicket of disputes

  • A hand in every pie

    A hand in every pie

    AS THE party in power at the Centre for 45 out of 49 years, the Congress(i), with all its factions, can be held mainly responsible for India's achievements and failures. In the politically

  • Uproar over uranium mining in Meghalaya

    The Assembly elections in Meghalaya are barely away, due only on March 3 Thus, the poll campaign is at its zenith with leaders of various political parties exploiting all possible options left with them in their efforts to woo voters. But, the average citizen, especially in the State capital, Shillong, at present seems to be more concerned about the volatile issue of uranium mining in West Khasi Hills district of Meghalaya than the upcoming elections. Indeed, the one and only reason for their growing anxiety is the Union Environment and Forest Ministry giving clearance, though conditional, last December to the Uranium Corporation of India Limited (UCIL) for going ahead with the proposed uranium mining at Kylleng-Pyndeng-Sohiong area in the district. With its nod coinciding with the ongoing poll campaign in the State, the one question that may arise in a curious mind is: Will the project at all materialise in the immediate future? Well, before trying to find an answer to it, all we probably need to do is on what basis or ground or how did the concerned Ministry feel it necessary to give the clearance to the UCIL to proceed with its plan. Broadly speaking, the manner the former has acted and granted the licence to the latter for uranium mining can barely leave anyone in doubt about the authenticity of its action. The entire process has been both legal and constitutional. The Ministry has, as reported, in the press, given its consent on the basis of the report of the public hearing on the proposed commercial uranium mining in the State's West Khasi Hills district, submitted by the State Pollution Control Board (SPCB). Therefore, under no circumstances, the Environment and Forest Ministry's action can be debatable and unconstitutional. If the Union ministry's action is looked upon as being lawful, what about the SPCB? Has it behaved in the similar fashion as the former? There are some people who are of the view that the report on the uranium mining submitted to the Centre by the SPCB after it carried out the public hearing on the uranium mining was far-fetched, groundless, and fabricated. Although it is an uphill task to infer who are right or wrong in this affair, if the newspaper reports on the outcome of the public hearing are to be believed, the SPCB could seldom recommend the Centre to give the permission to the UCIL to go ahead with the mining of uranium ores. What, however, has been unbecoming of the SPCB is that it had carried out the hearing when the situation in Khasi district was volatile following the influencial Khasi Student Union's weeks-long vigorous campaign aimed at mounting pressure on the Congress-led Meghalaya Democratic Alliance (MDA) government in the State to stop the hearing on the mining issue. The agitation began with their activists' two-day office picketing on June 4 last, and ended with the 36-hour bandh beginning June 11, crippling the normal life, especially in Shillong. Earlier, the student body had even reportedly given an ultimatum to the State government to scuttle it or face "agitation'. But, having skirted all these developments, the SPCB went ahead and held the public hearing as scheduled, on June 11 to garner public opinion on the proposed mining. It took place at Nongbah-Jyorin in the State's West Khasi Hills district, near Mawthabah, an economically run-down, somnolent village some 150 km from the capital. The hearing was though conducted by the SPCB as per a notification of the Union government under the supervision of the State government. No doubt, therefore, the SPCB was duty-bound to do so. But the point is that when sections of the people in the State were at that time up in arms against the proposed mining project at Kylleng-Pyndengsohiong in the West Khasi Hills region, was it not necessary on the part of either the State government or the SPCB to keep the process on hold for a future date in consultation with the Central government until the popular outcry died down, if not possible to cancel it for the time being. From it's modus operandi, it seems that the SPCB was under an illusion that in spite of the KSU's threat to agitation, most of those who would attend the hearing from the nearby villages would speak up for the project that would, in turn, enable the SPCB to prepare a favourable report, and send the same to the Union Environment and Forest Ministry. But, the entire exercise ultimately was one just contrary to their expectation. In fact, a majority of the people reportedly argued against mining. If that was what was the actual position of the public hearing, the question that arises in mind is how could then the concerned ministry issue such a licence to the UCIL for commercial mining without verifying it? Another question is why the Centre did hurriedly give the UCIL the green signal for the purpose when the MDA government in the State, the major partner of which is the Congress, itself is a house of contradictions and divided on the issue with two of its constituents, the Hill State People's Democratic Party (HSPDP) and that Khun Hynniowtrep National Awakening Movement (KHNAM), declaring their opposition to the mining long before, citing a likely health hazard, ecological disaster etc, as the reason for it, and, when the Assembly polls are just on the cards. This hasty move on the part of the Centre has triggered a deep sense of dissatisfaction among sections of people in the State. The Meghalaya People's Human Rights Commission (MPHRC) has already threatened to move the Apex Court in the country if the State issue a "no objection' certificate for the mining. If the Commission at all does so in the event of the State government giving the nod to the UCIL in the near future, there will hardly remain any valid reason for anyone to raise an accusing finger at it, simply because the MPHRC has before the public hearing on the issue last year cited the reasons for its opposition to the proposed mining, in a report to the Union Ministry of Environment and Forests, through the SPCB. But then, the Manmohan Singh-led UPA government at the Centre has showed a total lack of political shrewdness in this regard that goes without saying. After all the State Assembly polls are nearby, and his party, the Congress, is one of the coalition partners in the MDA government. It could have put it on hold till the elections. Now that the Centre has accorded environmental clearance to the UCIL for the mining, the State unit of the party is palpably in a quandary. It is because of this reason that the ruling Congress under DD Lapang is now desperately trying to bail out of any further controversy. It has asked the political parties to come up with their suggestions before the government decides on whether to allow the mining. But, unfortunately for the ruling party leadership all the political parties barring, indeed, its major ally United Democratic Party (UDP), have declared their opposition to the mining. Even the Congress's other two MDA partners, the HSPDP and the KHNAM, have also voiced their displeasure on the issue in the KSU-organised all-party meeting of January 12 last. All these developments, it is apprehended, may impact its showing in the upcoming polls to some extent, in the West Khasi Hills district, if not beyond it. If today there is uproar over the proposed uranium mining in the State slowly and steadily gaining momentum, or scepticism or even dread about its effects among sections of the people in the State, it is primarily the UCIL and the concerned ministry who are only to blame for this sorry state of affairs. Honestly speaking, the apprehension among the people, especially those from Domiasiat, a tiny village about 150 km from Shillong, mostly underprivileged and illiterate, with regard to serious health and environmental hazards at the site and its adjacent areas, began to grow ever since the UCIL had initiated the experimental mining there way back in 1991. It finished the job in 2005, after a long stint of 14 years. But during the period neither the UCIL or the Centre did care to do anything precious to clear the doubt from their minds. Had they at the very outset campaigned about its economic significance among them through print and electronic media in particular, or the good effects of the proposed commercial mining, by this time they could have gone ahead almost unopposed. But because of their laxity in doing so, they are palpably in quagmire. So is the ruling party too.

  • Farmers in distress

    Develop rural non-farm sector by Ranjit Singh Ghuman Though the phenomenon of suicides by farmers in India has been aptly highlighted by the National Farmers' Commission (NFC) and the media, there are few studies pertaining to the socio-economic analysis of the victims and their households. According to the NFC, about 1.5 lakh farmers committed suicides in India up to 2006 in various states of India. The states with success stories of the green revolution have a high incidence of farmers' suicides. Some studies conclude that the highly capital intensive technique and over-mechanisation of farming operations have resulted in enormous increase in cost of cultivation. In fact, the entire farming operation is subject to serious diminishing returns. This means that the additional increments in the agricultural produce are coming up at a very high additional cost. As a consequence, the net return of the farmer is continuously declining and the debt burden is rising. It has been computed from the cost of cultivation data that the trend growth rate of per hectare net return, over variable costs in Punjab, from both wheat and paddy, was -2.18 per cent per annum during the decade of 1990s. It was -15.46 per cent per annum in cotton during the same period. Alongwith the declining net return, the employment opportunities in agriculture are also shrinking. According to certain estimates (Sucha Singh Gill, 2002), employment in principal crops in Punjab declined from 48 crore man days in 1983-84 to 43 crore man days in 1996-97. Given the state of technology, cropping pattern and shrinkage of land under agriculture, the availability of employment in agriculture must have declined further. In fact, per hectare employment of labour in major crops in Punjab declined by 20.31 per cent in 1996-97 compared to 1983-84. Alongwith this, the net sown area decreased from 4250 thousand hectares in 2000-01 to 4170 thousand hectares in 2005-06, in Punjab. Pressure of workforce on agriculture in India has not declined much over the period of time. At the same time, the number of marginal and small operational holdings in India have increased. A little more than 80 per cent of operational holdings in India are less than five acres. It is amply clear from the foregoing discussion that the economic distress of farmers at the lower rung is not simply because of crop failures or other such reasons, as is being projected by many economists and policy planners. The fundamental reason of their economic distress is rather their limited earnings from their very very small sized operational holdings. What can an acre of land can fetch to a farmer household in a year? The net earnings are between Rs. 15,000 to Rs. 20,000 at the maximum. About 62 per cent of the farmer-households in India fall in this category. If the average family size of such farmers is five persons, then their per day per capita income comes out to be between Rs. 8 to 11. According to a recent report on the status of workers in the unorganized sector (Govt. of India 2007), 77 per cent of the Indian population is having a per capita income of up to Rs. 12 a day. It, thus, includes the above 62 per cent of the farmer households. A recent study (2007) commissioned by the Punjab Farmers commission, on the Agricultural Labour in Punjab, also highlights that per capita daily income of 68 per cent labour households is only up to Rs. 10. This study also highlights that in 69 per cent of the total rural households and 90 per cent of the rural labour households in Punjab there is not even a single matriculation person. The meager level of earnings, non-availability of alternative employment opportunities, shrinking employment opportunities in agriculture, pressing social commitments, non-availability of adequate institutional loan, etc., are responsible for mounting debt burden on the farmers and labourers. According to a recent NSS survey (2005), 48.6 per cent farmer households are under an average debt of Rs. 12585. As regards farmers' suicides in Punjab, there are various estimates. Bharti Kisan Union (Ekta-Ugrahan) has already enlisted 3126 suicides by farmers and agricultural labourers from 376 villages located in 10 districts of Punjab. Interestingly this data pertains to only 3 per cent of the total villages in Punjab. This necessitates a detailed census of suicides in the state. A recent study of 2008 (Gurpreet Singh, Punjabi University) highlights that out of 200 sampled suicide victims 33 were agricultural labourers. This means agricultural labourers are equally under economic distress. The study highlights that about 81 per cent farmer suicide victims own less than 5 acres of land and the remaining 19 per cent were in the range of 5 to 10 acres. The average amount of debt on the farmer victims' households was Rs. 2.7 lakh and that and the labour households was Rs. 57121. It is often said that unproductive use of loan, drug addition and shirking from work are the basic reasons behind farmers' suicides in Punjab. Various studies, however, highlight that economic distress is the root-cause behind the suicide by farmers and labourers. As regards work-shirking, not even single farmers upto 5 acres employ any attached labourer. Only 35 per cent of such farmers occasionally employ casual labour. Clearly, the solution to the problem lies in the correct diagnosis of the illness. The illness lies in the small-size of holdings and unbearable burden of workforce on agriculture. The solution would, thus be, the systematic withdrawal of work force from the agricultural sector. And that would be possible only by the development of the rural non-farm sector. This transition is inevitable. Planned and systematic efforts would, however, make it less painful. The writer is professor of economics at Punjabi University, Patiala

  • Forests of global contention

    Forests of global contention

    The South"s determined efforts to scuttle the forest convention that the North was adamant on pushing through was a major triumph. A blow-by-blow account of the crucial, often tricky, negotiation

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